Francia, Ue, Referendum NYT 05-05-30
Il NO francese potrebbe segnalare l’arresto dell’espansione dell’unificazione europea, con i paesi più ricchi delusi di fronte all’ingresso di paesi più poveri, come Polonia e Slovacchia.
Con il No alla Costituzione la Francia ha voltato le spalle a 50 anni di storia europea, gettando il paese nel caos politico e mettendo a rischio la causa dell’unità europea.
Chirac pensava che tramite la costituzione, simile per diversi aspetti a quella Usa, la Francia potesse promuovere il rafforzamento e l’unificazione dell’Europa, al fine della proiezione internazionale della forza economica e politica europea; ha più volte parlato di “mondo multipolare”, con l’Europa come polo di contrappeso agli Usa.
Nel dibattito elettorale è entrato il timore del mitico “idraulico polacco”, disposto a lavorare per un salario più basso di quello dei lavoratori francesi.
I fautori del NO hanno agitato il rischio di una Ue più potente dove la Francia non avrebbe più peso, sempre più anglo-sassone, e ultraliberale. La Costituzione potrebbe essere riproposta al voto in Francia oppure rivista, un processo però farraginoso.
Il voto arresta il movimento in avanti dell’Europa e la rende più vulnerabile all’incertezza economica e politica.
Esso potrebbe paralizzare per mesi la capacità decisionale della Ue, complicare il processo di ammissione di nuovi membri e rendere anche più difficile imporre la disciplina ai suoi membri sul deficit e l’inflazione.
Il ministro degli Esteri britannico Straw ha parlato di necessario periodo di riflessione.
Nei 10 referendum dei 47 anni della 5a Repubblica, è secondo ad essere respinto, dopo quello del 1969, a cui seguirono le dimissioni di De Gaulle.
Con il No la Francia si trova polarizzata, con gli estremi di destra e di sinistra per il NO, e il centro per il SÍ. Il partito socialista è molto diviso.
Per esemplificare la polarizzazione sociale: nel ricco sobborgo parigino di Neuilly ha vinto con l’83% il No; nella operaia Bobigny, con il 18% di disoccupazione, il NO ha avuto il 72%.French Voters Soundly Reject European Union ConstitutionBy ELAINE SCIOLINO
Hélène Fouquet and Ariane Bernard contributed reporting for this article.
PARIS, May 29 – Turning its back on half a century of European history, France decisively rejected a constitution for Europe on Sunday, plunging the country into political disarray and jeopardizing the cause of European unity.
The victory for the no vote – 55 percent to 45 percent – came in a nationwide referendum on the European Union constitution after a bruising campaign that divided
Foreshadowed in recent polls, the no vote could doom the 448-article treaty because all 25 members of the European Union must ratify it before it can take effect.
The rejection could signal an abrupt halt to the expansion and unification of Europe, a process that has been met with growing disillusionment among the wealthier European Union members as needier countries like Poland and Slovakia have negotiated their entry.
President Jacques Chirac, who had predicted
“The decision of
Early this month, Mr. Chirac had vowed not to change his government if the referendum failed, saying it was “neither a plebiscite nor a moment of political change.”
But the vote, which made
After the vote, some extreme opponents of the constitution called for Mr. Chirac to resign.
“We are tonight before a major political crisis,” said Philippe de Villiers, head of the right-wing Movement for
Jean-Marie Le Pen, the head of the far-right National Front, faulted Mr. Chirac for threatening the French with “chaos” if they voted no, adding, “He isn’t qualified, it seems to me, to remain as the head of the country.”
About 70 percent of France’s registered 41.8 million voters cast ballots , a high turnout on a Sunday that was also Mother’s Day here. Throughout the day in
Pollsters said the rejection reflected French voters’ anger at the 72-year-old president and his center-right government for failing to improve the country’s troubled economy, as well as fear that the treaty would erode
The debate had been colored by fear of the mythical “Polish plumber,” the worker from recent European Union members from the East who is increasingly free to move West and willing to work for lower pay than Frenchmen.
Proponents of the “no” fueled voters with fear of a more powerful European Union where France no longer has influence, and of an increasingly “Anglo-Saxon” and “ultraliberal” Europe where free-market capitalism runs wild.
The Dutch prime minister, Jan Peter Balkenende, called on voters to approve the constitution despite
The constitution is essentially a vehicle to streamline decision-making in the expanded 25-member bloc and a blueprint for the next stage of its growth and unification. It eliminates the six-month rotating European Union presidency, creating a president with a maximum five-year term; details a list of basic rights; and determines what functions, such as issuing visas or making rules on immigration, will be governed by the European Union headquarters in Brussels and what others, like foreign policy and defense, will rema
in with member states.
It is conceivable that the constitution could be voted on by the French again or even revised, although the process would be cumbersome.
Even without the constitution, the European Union will go on as before under existing treaties.
But the vote stalls the forward momentum of
European officials quickly expressed anxiety over the ramifications of the vote.
The British foreign secretary, Jack Straw , declined to say if
In
Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker of
This is the 10th time in the
The only other rejection was in 1969, when de Gaulle proposed a measure to renovate the Senate, create regions and seek support after the student uprisings of May 1968. De Gaulle pledged to leave office if the “no” won, and when it did by a small margin, he resigned the next day.
While Mr. Chirac said he would not resign, there has been intense speculation, even in his party, and the media in recent weeks that rejection of the constitution would prompt him to fire Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin, whose popularity is at an abysmal 21 percent.
Dominique de Villepin, the interior minister and former foreign minister, is considered a front-runner to replace Mr. Raffarin, and one close confidante said Mr. de Villepin had been quietly assembling a staff and anticipating a cabinet shuffle.
Other contenders include Defense Minister Michèle Alliot-Marie, and Nicolas Sarkozy, the head of Mr. Chirac’s party but also Mr. Chirac’s political foe.
The referendum polarized France, with extremes of both the left and the right aligning in the no bloc and the center-right in the yes camp. The Socialist Party was badly fractured.
The schism was borne out in and around Paris, where wealthy neighborhoods seemed to vote yes, while poor neighborhoods voted no.
At a preschool turned polling place in the wealthy Paris suburb of Neuilly, 83 percent voted yes. That is the territory of Mr. Sarkozy, who was once mayor there.
“It’s like building a house, you don’t stop halfway,” said Omar Bentchakal, the retired head of a small painting company, as he cast his ballot there. “It would be unfortunate if we were the country who laid the first stone, but that we wouldn’t be there to put in the last one, that we’re not following through. I would be hurt, really, if we voted no.”
At the polling place at the Karl Marx primary school in downtown Bobigny, a working-class suburb of Paris , by contrast, there was no sense that
With 18 percent unemployment and a large ethnic Arab and African population, 72 percent of the voters there said no.
Bernard Birsinger, the suburb’s Communist mayor, accused Mr. Chirac of fear-mongering and dissembling when he predicted political and economic doom for
“We are already in a Europe of unemployment and regression,” said Mr. Birsinger, adding, “We know that the destiny of
For him, this was a moment to say no to authority, just as the French did in the 1789 revolution.
“Happily, certain people rose up and said no,” he said. “They didn’t ask the king for permission to make a revolution.”
Copyright 2005 The New York Times